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Two constants of California’s food culture are the automobile—parking and fast service are key—and a high-performance delivery economy. The state is home to the largest online delivery companies: Uber Eats, DoorDash, and Postmates. This extension of car culture has further established a food culture in suburbia and the exurbs, where people continue to relocate. Between 2010 and 2020, the suburbs and exurbs of the major metropolitan areas gained 2 million net residents, while the urban core counties lost 2.7 million. Since 2015, large metropolitan areas have been losing residents to smaller cities and, by 2022, to more rural areas as well.

So my base colour was bleached blonde with my dark brown roots coming through which I had put XXL Live Ruby Glaze on top but needed something to boost the red and keep it vibrant, as I wanted more a darker raspberry red I used the Cherry Red for Blondes as a base and then added a tiny bit of Merlot for Brunettes to darken it up and a little bit more of Berry Pink for Brunettes to give it that Ruby / Raspberry tint and I am so so pleased with how it came out.I see a time that we need to kind of hold these things up like snow globes and see what needs to change or maybe even be shattered and broken and rebuilt,” he says. “I think this younger generation, man, if they would actually look at the power of how Jesus conducted his life – some of the things he did and the people he chose to hang out with – man, I think our world would change.” ‘Greg’ and Greg

Please note that Royal Mail currently classes perfumes, nail polishes, flammable liquids and aerosols as "hazardous materials" and will only accept a limited number of these per parcel. The Southern California Society. On Independence Day, in 1894, Mr. Daniel Cleveland, of San Diego, called together the sons of Revolutionary ancestors to organize the Southern California Society of SAR. Descendants of Revolutionary sires, residing in the counties of San Diego, Riverside, San Bernardino, Los Angeles, Orange, Ventura, Kern, Santa Barbara, and San Luis Obispo would be eligible for membership. The Society took an active interest in securing patriotic instruction in the public schools of San Diego County, the observance of Flag Day, and in having the national flag raised over the schoolhouses of San Diego.For businesses on the urban fringe, the pandemic proved an entrepreneurial opportunity. As demographer Wendell Cox notes, offices there have recovered capacity far faster than in the largest urban cores. Rising crime in inner cities has made the situation even more difficult.

Courtney was one of the first actors to commit to the project, auditioning for it in January 2020 right before movie production ended for months as the COVID-19 pandemic erupted. Like Erwin, he wasn’t familiar with the Jesus Revolution of the late ’60s and ’70s, and only knew the counterculture and its intersection with the established culture from history classes. So he, like Erwin, researched the subject both by reading and conversations with Laurie, whose life Courtney was acting out on screen.This motivating fear has never been widely understood in the West. Had Western leaders been able to recognize Putin’s color revolution obsession, Russia’s demands that Ukraine renounce NATO and implement the Minsk agreements—the never-enacted, Moscow-driven settlement of the Donbas war that would have given the separatist republics extensive powers in Kyiv—might have been seen differently: rather than ends in themselves, more of a pretext aimed at securing Moscow’s primary goal of establishing a compliant leadership in Kyiv that was inoculated against Western influence.

Despite this level of engagement, however, the U.S. government seemed to have little awareness how its actions might be viewed—and instrumentalized—by Moscow. Seen on the ground, these upheavals were extraordinary expressions of popular sovereignty by citizens of countries that had never experienced meaningful democracy. Moreover, in those years the Russian government was not yet generally understood as overtly anti-democratic: Putin, still in his first tenure as president, was being advised by liberal economists, Russia was a member of the G-8, and in the early years of the George W. Bush administration, Washington had a working relationship with the Kremlin. As a result, many in the United States understood the color revolutions as more about democratic development in the countries where they occurred than about using U.S. influence to counter Russian authoritarianism: indeed, not all the governments that emerged from these upheavals proved to be pro-Western or even democratic. But the U.S. imprint was hard to miss. In 2005, during a visit to Tbilisi, Bush told the Georgian people, “Because you acted, Georgia is today . . . a beacon of liberty for this region and the world.” It was heady, even inspiring rhetoric, but to the Kremlin, referring to a former Soviet republic as “a beacon of liberty for this region” sounded like a warning. Like many successful Golden State entrepreneurs, Sayavong rose from obscurity. After arriving in 2016 from the Laotian capital of Vientiane, Nok, as she is known by family and friends, studied computer science for two years at the University of California–Irvine. But Nok, 36, had also learned to cook for her younger siblings and, later, for her husband, Billie, 39, an American citizen and computer consultant. An important subplot of the color revolutions was the involvement of the United States. For the most part, the U.S. role was grounded in a desire for greater freedom and democracy in the region. In Serbia and Ukraine, U.S. support was unambiguous; in Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, Washington’s efforts were far more modest. Nonetheless, in all four countries, U.S. organizations—including the federally funded National Democratic Institute and International Republican Institute and private nonprofits such as the Open Society Institute (now called the Open Society Foundations)—took an active part in training civil society activists and helping build opposition coalitions. U.S. advisers also sought to help would-be color revolutionists learn from the experiences of other countries. In early 2003, I led members of Georgia’s opposition on a trip to Serbia to meet with political and civil society leaders there; several of them went on to lead the Rose Revolution later that year. In turn, participants in the Georgian protests advised their counterparts in Ukraine in 2004. A year later, I was also among a group of Americans and others who went to Kyrgyzstan to work with some of the leaders of the Tulip Revolution. In June 2021, when the pandemic was easing, she opened her first bakery, in Newport Beach. On weekends, customers lined up outside the store, waiting to get in. Lezama relies heavily on social media rather than traditional advertising to get the word out. She recently opened a new bakery in Tustin, just northwest of Irvine, and another will open soon in Laguna Beach. She now employs 26 people, and has become a supplier for several local restaurants. Now that indoor dining has returned, the café, which serves breakfast and lunch, is crowded with customers and remains one of the few locally owned businesses at the mall. EastBrew participates in art walks and community food drives. This kind of engaged business, notes co-owner Leticia Davila, appeals to people who want good food and coffee in a neighborhood where they can afford to live and buy homes. “People wanted something different, something locally owned,” she recalls. “This is an opportunity for our kind of business. People want something else that was never available here.”The Left’s assault on franchises threatens the places where today’s restaurant entrepreneurs learned their trade. Carlos Perez, 32, who opened his Boil and Bake café in a Costa Mesa strip mall in 2022, worked for his father, a native Guatemalan and former manager at Winchell’s Donut House. Saving his money, Perez’s father and a partner bought the Shirley’s Bagels chain. “My father taught me how to do this,” he suggests. “I learned the food culture at Shirley’s”—just as his father had learned it at Winchell’s. Nokmaniphone Sayavong started her business, Nok’s Kitchen, during the worst of times—the Covid pandemic—and in a state that often treats small businesses with the delicacy of a cat torturing a mouse. Yet she has found a way to thrive. Her minor miracle, located in a strip mall at the edge of Westminster, California’s Little Saigon, epitomizes the durability of the California dream, which is nowhere more alive than in the state’s innovative food culture. Jon had a directive, and I thought it was so great,” McCorkle says. “He’s like, ‘I just want to feel like we dropped a camera into 1969.’ And I was like, ‘Wow, let’s go!’ So music was a huge part of that. But I have expensive taste.” (Fleetwood Mac’s ‘Don’t Stop,’ which plays near the end of the film, surely doesn’t come cheap.)